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After Prince works in the salt flats of Turks Island, she emerges from her labor greatly changed. She is cannibalized by salt; she exists as a human commodity, a slave, and harvests a commodity, salt, that devours her flesh. This economy of cannibalism and corporeal alteration entails an existential transformation. Tales of raw, grated flesh incurred from brutal labor or slavery practices are not new, but here we are introduced to a story that serves as a critique not simply of slave labor, but also of what would prove to be standard labor practices found in the Caribbean salt industry even after slavery was abolished.

Prince seeks to escape this threatening saline world in an idealized Britain; according to her history, the sheer horror of her salt-drenched state drives Prince to evoke her definition of Anglo-Saxon values, which she juxtaposes against what qualify as distinctly un-English acts perpetrated by who those who crossed the Atlantic.

Moreover, the rhetorical charge she lofts upon a particularly English ethos fantastically subordinates not only the slaveholders and abolitionists but also the enslaved populace in the colonies to an idealized public across the sea, as she reinvests powerful authority in a body of English people who, by this line of reasoning, could feasibly halt the brutalization that American abolitionists, or any enslaved individuals, seemingly cannot. They believe the foreign people who deceive them, and say slaves are happy.

Sharpe compellingly argues that such narrative devices covered over and ignored the agency exhibited by slaves who ran away, revolted, or escaped slavery without nationalized or outside aid of any kind Through such reticence she pays homage to an idealized version of an upright English nation, and Prince suggests, by definition, that even unjust words, let alone acts, cannot be pronounced or performed upon its righteous soil.

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By extension, such passages beg the question of why these expletives are somehow permissible on British-held soil, and implore one to question the practices and qualities of the English men and women who operate in this way. She absorbs even the bodily impact of the oceanic voyage many English subjects never took, in addition to the tolls exacted in and out of the salt marshes.

In moments like these, Prince also helps to define what English morality is or should be. However, the realities of salt production under slavery corrode the liberatory claims of both nations. This, I have attempted to argue, is the type of implicit critique produced in the numerous occasions where Prince juxtaposes British idealism with harrowing tales of the everyday drudgery she experiences on Turks Island and back in Britain.

Indeed, Prince contributes to absolutist visions of British exceptionalism, replete with discourses of British liberty, justice, and righteousness, but her version of this exceptionalism insists on recognizing that these laudable standards be necessarily counterpoised to those propagated in the salt works in which she slaved.

In her narrative, Prince, like others forced into the salt industry, materially preserves two nations while the very salt she unwillingly rakes continually corrodes and eats at her flesh and soul. The various trials of unfreedom and the psychological and physical injury Prince endures not only produce a deformed body and a reformulated consciousness, but also spawn her multivalenced testimony.

Such physical and mental legacies emerge from her intimate knowledge and experience, and like the material history of salt in this Caribbean slave economy and its crucial place in North American revolutionary life, they might be lost to us without her narrative. Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. Lectures on Politics and Religion. L Patton and P Mann. Vol 1. Princeton: Princeton UP, Equiano, Olaudah.

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Angelo Costanzo. Toronto: Broadview P, Ferguson, Moira. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, Fox, William. Timothy Morton. New York: Routledge, Gadsby, Meredith. Columbia: U of Missouri P, Gilroy, Paul. Cambridge: Harvard UP, Hegel, G. Phenomenology of Spirit. V Miller. Oxford: Oxford UP, Holroyd, John Earl of Sheffield. Philadelphia: Robert Bell, Mellor, Anne. Alan Richardson. Bloomington: Indiana UP, Morton, Timothy. Tim Fulford and Peter J Kitson.

Cambridge: Cambridge UP, Prince, Mary. Moira Ferguson.

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Ferguson, Moira, ed. Sharpe, Jenny. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, Sussman, Charlotte. Palo Alto: Stanford UP, Todorova, Kremena. Washington, George. Fitzpatrick John C. Vol Wheatley, Phyllis. Complete Writings. Vincent Carretta. New York: Penguin Group, Whitlock, Gillian.


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London: Cassell, Vincent Carretta and Philip Gould. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, Winterbotham, William. Vol 4.

Cox and Jillian Heydt-Stevenson and the insightful and challenging questions tossed at me by way of my colleagues Scott Hagele and John C. Cheyne has so well treated, under the title of "The English Malady. The powers of his great mind might be troubled, and their full exercise suspended at times, but the mind itself was ever entire. As a proof of this, it is only necessary to consider, that, when he was at the very worst, he composed that state of his own case, which shewed an uncommon vigour, not only of fancy and taste, but of judgement.


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  6. I am aware that he himself was too ready to call such a complaint by the name of madness; in conformity with which notion, he has traced its gradations, with exquisite nicety, in one of the chapters of his RASSELAS. This distinction was made to me by the late Professor Gaubius of Leyden, physician to the Prince of Orange, in a conversation which I had with him several years ago, and he expanded it thus: "If said he a man tells me that he is grievously disturbed, for that he imagines he sees a ruffian coming against him with a drawn sword, though at the same time he is conscious it is a delusion, I pronounce him to have a disordered imagination; but if a man tells me that he sees this, and in consternation calls to me to look at it, I pronounce him to be mad.

    Some have fancied themselves to be deprived of the use of their limbs, some to labour under acute diseases, others to be in extreme poverty, when, in truth, there was not the least reality in any of the suppositions; so that when the vapours were dispelled, they were convinced of the delusion. To Johnson, whose supreme enjoyment was the exercise of his reason, the disturbance or obscuration of that faculty was the evil most to be dreaded.

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    Insanity, therefore, was the object of his most dismal apprehension; and he fancied himself seized by it, or approaching to it, at the very time when he was giving proofs of a more than ordinary soundness and vigour of judgement. Amidst the oppression and distraction of a disease which very few have felt in its full extent, but many have experienced in a slighter degree, Johnson, in his writings, and in his conversation, never failed to display all the varieties of intellectual excellence.

    The history of his mind as to religion is an important article. I have mentioned the early impressions made upon his tender imagination by his mother, who continued her pious care with assiduity, but, in his opinion, not with judgement. When, for instance, I had read the chapter on theft, which from my infancy I had been taught was wrong, I was no more convinced that theft was wrong than before; so there was no accession of knowledge. A boy should be introduced to such books, by having his attention directed to the arrangement, to the stile, and other excellencies of composition; that the mind being thus engaged by an amusing variety of objects, may not grow weary.

    He communicated to me the following particulars upon the subject of his religious progress. The church at Lichfield, in which we had a seat, wanted reparation, so I was to go and find a seat in other churches; and having bad eyes, and being aukward about this, I to go and read in the fields on Sunday. This habit continued till my fourteenth year; and still I find a great reluctance to go to church. I then became a sort of lax talker against religion, for I did not much think against it; and this lasted till I went to Oxford, where it would not be suffered.

    When at Oxford, I took up 'Law's Serious Call to the Unconverted,' expecting to find it a dull book, as such books generally are, and perhaps to laugh at it. But I found Law quite an overmatch for me; and this was the first occasion of my thinking in earnest of religion, after I became capable of rational inquiry 4. This instance of a mind such as that of Johnson being first disposed, by an unexpected incident, to think with anxiety of the momentous concerns of eternity, and of "what he should do to be saved," may for ever be produced in opposition to the superficial and sometimes profane contempt that has been thrown upon those occasional impressions which it is certain many christians have experienced; though it must be acknowledged that weak minds, from an erroneous supposition that no man is in a state of grace who has not felt a particular conversion, have, in some cases, brought a degree of ridicule upon them; a ridicule, of which it is inconsiderate or unfair to make a general application.

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    How seriously Johnson was impressed with a sense of religion, even in the vigour of his youth, appears from the following passage in his minutes kept by way of diary: "Sept. I have this day entered upon my 28th year. Enough has been said of his irregular mode of study. He told me what he read solidly at Oxford was Greek; not the Grecian historians, but Homer and Euripides, and now and then a little Epigram; that the study of which he was most fond was Metaphysicks, but he had not read much, even in that way.


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    5. I do not believe he studied hard. I never knew a man who studied hard.

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      I conclude, indeed, from the effects, that some men have studied hard, as Bentley and Clarke. Adam Smith, than whom few are better judges on this subject, once observed to me that "Johnson knew more books than any man alive. He had, from the irritability of his constitution, at all times, an impatience and hurry when he either read or wrote.

      Yet he appears, from his early notes or memorandums, in my possession, to have at various times attempted, or at least planned, a methodical course of study, according to computation, of which he was all his life fond, as it fixed his attention steadily upon something without, and prevented his mind from preying upon itself. No man had a more ardent love of literature, or a higher respect for it than Johnson. His apartment in Pembroke College was that upon the second floor, over the gateway.

      The enthusiasts of learning will ever contemplate it with veneration. One day, while he was sitting in it quite alone, Dr. I'll go and visit the Universities abroad. I'll go to France and Italy. I'll go to Padua. For an Athenian blockhead is the worst of all blockheads 5. Adams told me, that Johnson, while he was at Pembroke College, "was caressed and loved by all about him, was a gay and frolicksome fellow, and passed there the happiest part of his life.

      When I mentioned to him this account as given me by Dr. Adams, he said, "Ah, Sir, I was mad and violent. It was bitterness which they mistook for frolick. I was miserably poor, and I thought to fight my way by my literature and my wit; so I disregarded all power and all authority. The Bishop of Dromore observes in a letter to me, "The pleasure he took in vexing the tutors and fellows has been often mentioned.

      He very early began to attempt keeping notes or memorandums, by way of a diary of his life. I find, in a parcel of loose leaves, the following spirited resolution to contend against his natural indolence: "Oct. Desidiae valedixi; syrenis istius cantibus surdam posthac aurem obversurus.